Jeunesse: Young People, Texts,
Cultures
Volume
12, Issue 2
Winter
2020
Navigating Precarities: Agency,
Intergenerational Care, and Counter-Narratives among Indigenous Migrant Youth
Heidbrink, Lauren. Migranthood: Youth in a New Era of Deportation.
Stanford UP, 2020. 240 pp. $25.00 pb. ISBN 9781503612075.
In Migranthood: Youth in a New Era of Deportation,
anthropologist Lauren Heidbrink shares the
perspectives of unaccompanied youth migrants from Guatemala to Mexico and the
United States. She urges scholars to rethink common perceptions of youth as
“non-agents” in need of protection and to re-evaluate the idea that youth
migration is disconnected from the underlying social and political institutions
that engender migration. This multi-sited ethnography offers rich and thorough
evidence that migration is not simply a linear journey and that youth are
neither helpless nor passive. Through the counter-narratives of Indigenous
youth, Heidbrink brings to life the impact of the
nexus of institutional apparatuses, migration, and deportation on individuals
and their communities.
Heidbrink’s background as an
ethnographer and engaged public scholar is clear through her approach. The text
offers readers rich descriptions and deep understandings of how Indigenous
youth in Guatemala sit at the intersections of transnational processes,
externalized borders, securitized development, genocide, and violence. Drawing
on multiple methods of data collection conducted over several years, Heidbrink utilizes observations and in-depth interviews along
with mixed-methods community-based research, including workshops, video and
photo elicitation, walking ethnographies, and a community household survey. In
partnership with Indigenous organizations, teachers, and older youth, this
comprehensive and multilingual approach (English, Spanish, and K’iche’ and Mam)
is attuned to the ways in which migration is used as an intergenerational
strategy to navigate marginalization and precarity. The text is both
thought-provoking and gripping. In sharing the counter-narratives of diverse
Indigenous youth, Heidbrink makes visible [end of page 183] how they understand and respond to their
migration circumstances. They are active agents, navigating local economies,
transnational social networks, and global processes as they migrate from Guatemala
to Mexico and the United States.
In each of the book’s seven chapters, Heidbrink reminds the reader that the values, experiences,
and decisions of youth do not exist in a vacuum. Violence, intergenerational
trauma, and legacies of colonialism and conflict are always present for
Indigenous communities, even if the ways in which they take form are not always
explicit. Providing the social and political contexts of youth migration in
each chapter imparts a pressing urgency. It is also helpful for educators who
may choose to assign isolated chapters instead of the entire book, as each
chapter can stand alone with informational framing for students who may be new
to the topic.
The first two chapters focus on how
Indigenous youth conceptualize and understand their migration. In chapter 1,
“Youth as Agents, Caregivers, and Migrants,” Heidbrink
problematizes and interrogates the framing of economic migrants as simply
making individual choices to improve their quality of life. Whether engaging in
seasonal, internal, and/or transnational migration, youth migration becomes
delinked from the conditions that motivate it when it is viewed as an
individual rather than a public issue. These predicating events can include
historical genocide, armed conflict, and migration management decisions.
Further, the application of an intersectional lens emphasizes how embodied
trauma and racialized, politicized geographies shape the emotional and social
lives of youth and their families, their meaning-making processes, and what is
at stake when youth do decide to migrate. Because migration is deeply woven
into the social fabric, even when youth do not migrate themselves, the
consequences reach far beyond the individual and their families: they also have
significant impacts on households and communities. Thus, reframing economic
migration provides depth to the varying degrees of agency that Indigenous youth
have within interconnected global systems.
Chapter 2, “Widening the Frame,” focuses
on the disconnect between how youth and those in power make meaning of
migration and deportation. [end of page 184] Increasingly
restrictive policies, media campaigns, and public service announcements try to
keep migrants from moving. While these messages are framed around protecting
youth, they contain dehumanizing discourses around Indigenous youth, their
parents, and their identities. Heidbrink uses a
multimedia elicitation focus group to give youth a space to respond to these
discourses and how they both connect to and disconnect from their experiences.
For example, public service announcements were either reductive, assuming child
migrants were ill-informed innocents, or were broadcast in Spanish, when
ninety-five percent of young migrants are Indigenous from Guatemala (67). In
this way, the announcements failed to correlate with youths’ race, class,
language, or experience. The youth identified that they not only knew of the
social and financial costs and risks of transnational migration but also
recognized the diverse experiences, paths, and meanings of migration for
themselves, their families, and communities. While they may not believe the
erroneous and problematic portrayals, they were also acutely aware that the
goals of restrictive policies and media campaigns did little to address the
mechanisms that underpin their social positions.
Neither migration nor the historical,
political, and economic contexts in which Indigenous youth lives are situated
are linear processes. In chapter 3, “¿Quédate y qué?” Heidbrink delineates how
the influxes of migration between 2014 and 2018 were policy-made crises and
contends that colonialism, conflict, and extraction have led to generational
displacement of Indigenous people. Ensuing interventions by governments, NGOs,
and humanitarian organizations to address this migration—by prevention or
deportation—have not fixed the structural inequalities that compel youth to
move, nor has providing sustainable assistance in the form of, for instance,
public goods, schooling, fair wages and working conditions, and adequate
healthcare; the dependence on remittance of earnings and eventual migration
continues. Reductive representations of youth migration actively render
invisible the challenges that Indigenous youth and their families face:
physical and symbolic violence, cycles of debt, intergenerational traumas,
discrimination, criminalization, and pathologization
of their identities and experiences.
Compounded by racialized US discourses
that conflate illegality and criminality, the cycle of deportation and return
adds additional layers of violence and precarity for migrants, families, and
communities to negotiate, including migratory debt, disruption of education, [end of page 185] underemployment, unemployment, and
reintegration. In chapter 5, “Negotiating Returns,” Heidbrink
raises the issue that reintegration assumes prior membership and that resources
to help with settling and adjusting are scarce, if they exist at all. Further
complicating reintegration is the emotional toll on migrants and their families
and how return may sit within dichotomies of success/failure and thus
accompanied by guilt or ostracization. The household community survey, which
appears in chapter 6, “Debt and Indebtedness,” provides further information on
the profound impacts of migration and deportation at the community level. The
apathy toward and systemic mistreatment of Indigenous people appears through
multiple dimensions, including discriminatory practices, under-resourced
schools, inadequate healthcare, and deregulated financial institutions leading
to cycles of debt-driven migration. Yet the migration stories of youth
highlight that their complex trajectories are about more than just remitting
money. Whether with regard to their own migration experience, that of their
parent(s) or family members, or their return to their communities, youth work
in different ways to survive as they resist discourses of criminalization, pathologization, and victimization. They make sense of the
social costs of migration, including how they handle tensions that arise from
parents forgetting K’iche’ or Mam, adjust to changes in and access to food or
dress, or manage social relationships across time and space. Heidbrink’s focus on the thoughts, values, and beliefs of
youth with regard to family and community obligation provides important contributions
to studies on youth migration, revealing that marginalized youth are not
voiceless actors and that migration is not just about the migrant. Heidbrink dutifully includes the multiple social actors,
generational dynamics, and racialized and politicized geographies. Julian, an
eighteen-year-old born in Colorado and de facto deported to Guatemala, sought
ways to learn of his Indigenous history and cultural identity. As he focused on
adapting to his new life, he, like many others, showed that “vulnerability and
exclusion are intertwined with experiences of inclusion and strength because
‘everything is connected, and nothing is left out’” (133).
Chapter 7, “El derecho a no migrar,” concludes the book. In the face of their
precarity, youth engage in strategic practices to be caregivers and providers
for their families. Even with the increasing visibility of migrant youth in
global crises, their experiences and voices remain obscured. The
counter-narratives in this book reframe how and why youth migrate and call for [end of page 186] research-informed public policy to create
programs and practices that better respond to migrants’ needs. The heart of Migranthood lies in the ways that Heidbrink makes visible the multi-faceted and multi-layered
lives of Indigenous youth. In learning why youth are on the move, the book
responds critically to dominant discourses in US policy and practices that see
youth as dependent on their parents until adulthood. Employing collaborative
methods to attend to the role of youth as knowledge producers, Heidbrink offers a multipronged approach that emphasizes
how youth are social actors and active agents within their families and
communities amid state and institutionalized violence. This violence is not
random but rather a result of systemic failures. Despite the emotional,
psychological, and physical impact of the violence youth face, their stories
reveal their strength, resilience, and deep commitment to their families. Their
understanding of their contributions must therefore be situated within their
experiences.
Migranthood places the perspectives
of youth at the forefront, making visible the ways in which youth respond to
and strategize within their experiences of marginalization and violence,
limited availability of resources, and movements across borders. The book is an
important addition to the growing work on youth migration and deportation. It
examines how migration is multidirectional, complex, and contradictory, as well
as subject to and shaped by colonialism, conflict, securitization policies, and
development discourses. As such, this book challenges views of undocumented
youth as passive children making uninformed choices. Instead, it understands
them as critical social actors and family caregivers embedded within global
processes. Heidbrink engages anthropology, sociology,
and human rights public policy, appealing to policy-makers, practitioners, and
activists working for child protection. Migranthood
validates youth agency, clearly making connections between systemic failures in
immigration policy, securitization, and development. It is a much-needed
contribution that gives depth not only to the consequences of migration and
deportation beyond youth and their families but also to how the effects
reverberate across communities, temporally and spatially.
Dr. Diane Sabenacio Nititham is Associate Professor in the Department of
Political Science and Sociology at Murray State University. She serves as the
Sociology Program Director and regularly teaches Race and Ethnicity, Sociology
of Migration, Globalization, Sociology of Education, and Popular Culture. Her
research interests include home/belonging, diaspora, and transnational
communities. She holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from University College Dublin,
Ireland, and an M.A., with distinction, in Social and Cultural Foundations in
Education from DePaul University.
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